Columbia Accident Investigation Board Report, Volume I · 2003
8.6 Changing NASAʼs Organizational System
8.6 Changing NASAʼs Organizational System
¶The echoes of Challenger in Columbia identified in this chapter have serious implications. These repeating patterns mean that flawed practices embedded in NASAʼs organizational system continued for 20 years and made substantial contributions to both accidents. The Columbia Accident Investigation Board noted the same problems as the Rogers Commission. An organization system failure calls for corrective measures that address all relevant levels of the organization, but the Boardʼs investigation shows that for all its cutting-edge technologies, "diving-catch" rescues, and imaginative plans for the technology and the future of space exploration, NASA has shown very little understanding of the inner workings of its own organization.
¶NASA managers believed that the agency had a strong safety culture, but the Board found that the agency had the same conflicting goals that it did before Challenger, when schedule concerns, production pressure, cost-cutting and a drive for ever-greater efficiency – all the signs of an "operational" enterprise – had eroded NASAʼs ability to assure mission safety. The belief in a safety culture has even less credibility in light of repeated cuts of safety personnel and budgets – also conditions that existed before Challenger. NASA managers stated confidently that everyone was encouraged to speak up about safety issues and that the agency was responsive to those concerns, but the Board found evidence to the contrary in the responses to the Debris Assessment Teamʼs request for imagery, to the initiation of the imagery request from Kennedy Space Center, and to the "we were just ʻwhat-iffingʼ" e-mail concerns that did not reach the Mission Management Team. NASAʼs bureaucratic structure kept important information from reaching engineers and managers alike. The same NASA whose engineers showed initiative and a solid working knowledge of how to get things done fast had a managerial culture with an allegiance to bureaucracy and cost-efficiency that squelched the engineersʼ efforts. When it came to managersʼ own actions, however, a different set of rules prevailed. The Board found that Mission Management Team decision-making operated outside the rules even as it held its engineers to a stifling protocol. Management was not able to recognize that in unprecedented conditions, when lives are on the line, flexibility and democratic process should take priority over bureaucratic response.47 Weick argues that in a risky situation, people need to learn how to "drop their tools:" learn to recognize when they are in unprecedented situations in which following the rules can be disastrous. See Karl E. Weick, "The Collapse of Sensemaking in Organizations: The Mann Gulch Disaster." Administrative Science Quarterly 38, 1993, pp. 628-652.
203¶During the Columbia investigation, the Board consistently searched for causal principles that would explain both the technical and organizational system failures. These principles were needed to explain Columbia and its echoes of Challenger. They were also necessary to provide guidance for NASA. The Boardʼs analysis of organizational causes in Chapters 5, 6, and 7 supports the following principles that should govern the changes in the agencyʼs organizational system. The Boardʼs specific recommendations, based on these principles, are presented in Part Three.
¶Leaders create culture. It is their responsibility to change it. Top administrators must take responsibility for risk, failure, and safety by remaining alert to the effects their decisions have on the system. Leaders are responsible for establishing the conditions that lead to their subordinatesʼ successes or failures. The past decisions of national leaders – the White House, Congress, and NASA Headquarters – set the Columbia accident in motion by creating resource and schedule strains that compromised the principles of a high-risk technology organization. The measure of NASAʼs success became how much costs were reduced and how efficiently the schedule was met. But the Space Shuttle is not now, nor has it ever been, an operational vehicle. We cannot explore space on a fixed-cost basis. Nevertheless, due to International Space Station needs and scientific experiments that require particular timing and orbits, the Space Shuttle Program seems likely to continue to be schedule-driven. National leadership needs to recognize that NASA must fly only when it is ready. As the White House, Congress, and NASA Headquarters plan the future of human space flight, the goals and the resources required to achieve them safely must be aligned.
¶Changes in organizational structure should be made only with careful consideration of their effect on the system and their possible unintended consequences. Changes that make the organization more complex may create new ways that it can fail.48 Lee Clarke, Mission Improbable: Using Fantasy Documents to Tame Disaster, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Charles Perrow, Normal Accidents, op. cit.; Scott Sagan, The Limits of Safety, op. cit.; Diane Vaughan, "The Dark Side of Organizations," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 25, 1999, pp. 271-305. When changes are put in place, the risk of error initially increases, as old ways of doing things compete with new. Institutional memory is lost as personnel and records are moved and replaced. Changing the structure of organizations is complicated by external political and budgetary constraints, the inability of leaders to conceive of the full ramifications of their actions, the vested interests of insiders, and the failure to learn from the past.49 Typically, after a public failure, the responsible organization makes safety the priority. They sink resources into discovering what went wrong and lessons learned are on everyoneʼs minds. A boost in resources goes to safety to build on those lessons in order to prevent another failure. But concentrating on rebuilding, repair, and safety takes energy and resources from other goals. As the crisis ebbs and normal functioning returns, institutional memory grows short. The tendency is then to backslide, as external pressures force a return to operating goals. William R. Freudenberg, "Nothing Recedes Like Success? Risk Analysis and the Organizational Amplification of Risks," Risk: Issues in Health and Safety 3, 1: 1992, pp. 1-35; Richard H. Hall, Organizations: Structures, Processes, and Outcomes, (Prentice-Hall. 1998), pp. 184-204; James G. March, Lee S. Sproull, and Michal Tamuz, "Learning from Samples of One or Fewer," Organization Science, 2, 1: February 1991, pp. 1-13.
¶Nonetheless, changes must be made. The Shuttle Programʼs structure is a source of problems, not just because of the way it impedes the flow of information, but because it has had effects on the culture that contradict safety goals.
¶NASAʼs blind spot is it believes it has a strong safety culture. Program history shows that the loss of a truly independent, robust capability to protect the systemʼs fundamental requirements and specifications inevitably compromised those requirements, and therefore increased risk. The Shuttle Programʼs structure created power distributions that need new structuring, rules, and management training to restore deference to technical experts, empower engineers to get resources they need, and allow safety concerns to be freely aired.
¶Strategies must increase the clarity, strength, and presence of signals that challenge assumptions about risk. Twice in NASA history, the agency embarked on a slippery slope that resulted in catastrophe. Each decision, taken by itself, seemed correct, routine, and indeed, insignificant and unremarkable. Yet in retrospect, the cumulative effect was stunning. In both pre-accident periods, events unfolded over a long time and in small increments rather than in sudden and dramatic occurrences. NASAʼs challenge is to design systems that maximize the clarity of signals, amplify weak signals so they can be tracked, and account for missing signals. For both accidents there were moments when management definitions of risk might have been reversed were it not for the many missing signals – an absence of trend analysis, imagery data not obtained, concerns not voiced, information overlooked or dropped from briefings. A safety team must have equal and independent representation so that managers are not again lulled into complacency by shifting definitions of risk. It is obvious but worth acknowledging that people who are marginal and powerless in organizations may have useful information or opinions that they donʼt express. Even when these people are encouraged to speak, they find it intimidat- ing to contradict a leaderʼs strategy or a group consensus. Extra effort must be made to contribute all relevant information to discussions of risk. These strategies are important for all safety aspects, but especially necessary for ill-structured problems like O-rings and foam debris. Because ill-structured problems are less visible and therefore invite the normalization of deviance, they may be the most risky of all.
¶Challenger launches on the ill-fated STS-33/51-L mission on January 28, 1986. The Orbiter would be destroyed 73 seconds later.
204ENDNOTES FOR CHAPTER 8
¶The citations that contain a reference to "CAIB document" with CAB or CTF followed by seven to eleven digits, such as CAB001-0010, refer to a document in the Columbia Accident Investigation Board database maintained by the Department of Justice and archived at the National Archives.
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