The concourse of Liverpool Street Station in London on a weekday afternoon in May 2020, during the first lockdown, almost empty: a few travellers cross the tiled floor beneath the departure boards, and banners along the left read "Thank you" to the NHS and key workers.
Liverpool Street Station, London, 21 May 2020 · Photo: Kwh1050, CC BY-SA 4.0

Report · 2025

UK Covid-19 Inquiry, Modules 2, 2A, 2B, 2C: Core decision-making and political governance

Our introduction

The second report of the UK Covid-19 Inquiry, chaired by Baroness Hallett, on how the UK government and the governments of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland made their decisions from January 2020 to the end of restrictions in May 2022. Volume I holds the Inquiry's summary and its account, month by month, of the lockdowns and what led to them; Volume II its analysis by theme, its lessons for future emergencies and its 19 recommendations.

Introduction by Reports that Matter, not part of the report. Only words in quotation marks are the report's own; every link opens them in context.

Covid-19 reached the UK in early 2020. Over the next two and a half years the four governments of the UK closed schools and businesses, and ordered people to stay at home; England had three national lockdowns. The last restrictions in the UK ended on 30 May 2022. The Chair's introduction records that Covid-19 is mentioned on the death certificates of more than 230,000 people in the UK.

The UK Covid-19 Inquiry was established in June 2022 under the Inquiries Act 2005, chaired by Baroness Hallett. It works through ten modules. Its first report, on the UK's resilience and preparedness (Module 1), was published on 18 July 2024 and found the UK ill prepared. This second report covers core political and administrative decision-making: Module 2 for the UK government, and Modules 2A, 2B and 2C for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The Inquiry gathered more than 2 million potentially relevant documents and heard 166 witnesses over 69 days, in 2023 and 2024. The report was published on 20 November 2025 in two volumes: the first holds the Chair's introduction, the executive summary and the account of events; the second the Inquiry's analysis by theme (scientific advice, vulnerable groups, decision-making, communications, the law and relations between the four nations), its lessons for future emergencies and the full text of its 19 recommendations.

A public inquiry establishes facts and makes recommendations; it does not decide civil or criminal liability. The Chair writes that politicians "were faced with unenviable choices" and that she has asked whether their decisions were reasonable in light of what was known, or ought to have been known, at the time. Where witnesses disagreed with the Inquiry's view, the report sets out their evidence, including Boris Johnson's view that earlier restrictions were unlikely to have avoided the first lockdown. In March 2026 the UK government published its response, saying it broadly agrees with the recommendations and setting out actions on each.

  1. The Inquiry finds that the response of the four governments repeatedly amounted to "too little, too late", and that while the lockdowns of 2020 and 2021 saved lives, they became inevitable only because of the governments' own acts and omissions. p. 2 p. 213

    “The Inquiry finds that the response of the four governments repeatedly amounted to a case of 'too little, too late'. The failure to appreciate the scale of the threat, or the urgency of response it demanded, meant that – by the time the possibility of a mandatory lockdown was first considered – it was already too late and a lockdown had become unavoidable.”
    p. 2 · Read in context →
  2. The report finds that by mid-February 2020 the four governments knew enough to act, and that their lack of urgency, including during the half-term holidays, and their failure to make adequate preparations were inexplicable. It calls February 2020 "a lost month". p. 91 p. 91 p. 3

    “The four governments knew enough to spur them into action. Accordingly, the Inquiry finds that the lack of urgency (particularly during the mid-February school half-term holidays) and the failure of the four governments to take a grip of the situation and make adequate preparations are inexplicable.”
    p. 91 · Read in context →
  3. The Inquiry accepts the consensus of the evidence that the first mandatory lockdown should have been imposed a week earlier, and reports modelling that doing so would have meant about 23,000 fewer deaths in England in the first wave. It rejects the criticism that the governments were wrong in principle to impose a lockdown, and finds that none of the four governments had planned for a lockdown or for how to leave one. p. 5 p. 5 p. 200 p. 202

    “However, the Inquiry rejects the criticism that the four governments were wrong, in principle, to impose a lockdown. In any event, the UK government and the devolved administrations had received clear and compelling advice by this time that the exponential growth in transmission would, in the absence of a mandatory lockdown, likely lead to loss of life on a scale that was unconscionable and unacceptable.”
    p. 5 · Read in context →
  4. The report finds that the UK government, the Welsh Government and the Northern Ireland Executive failed to learn from the first lockdown in the autumn of 2020. It concludes that Mr Johnson should have ordered a circuit breaker lockdown in late September or early October 2020, describes decision-making in Northern Ireland as "chaotic", and finds that Scotland's stringent local measures avoided a second national lockdown that autumn. p. 6 p. 7 p. 7 p. 7

  5. The report describes the vaccine rollout from December 2020 as a remarkable achievement, and finds that in 2021 the four governments led their plans by data rather than dates and in that respect had learned from earlier lockdowns. p. 8 p. 8 p. 374

  6. Among its key themes, the Inquiry finds that the UK Cabinet was largely sidelined; that decision-making was affected by cultural problems in the UK government and the Northern Ireland Executive, including a "toxic and chaotic culture" at the centre of the UK government; that instances of ministers and advisers appearing to break the rules caused huge distress; and that ministers in all four nations made far-reaching laws with little or no parliamentary oversight. p. 10 p. 11 p. 11 p. 12

  7. The report finds that the impact of the pandemic was not shared equally, that older people, disabled people and some ethnic minority groups faced a higher risk of dying, and that the harm restrictions would do to vulnerable groups, including children, was foreseeable but had not been adequately considered. p. 9 p. 9 p. 10

  8. The report makes 19 recommendations, each set out in the chapter that explains it and together in Appendix 3. Among them, that each government agree a framework identifying the people most at risk from a disease and from the measures taken against it; that future pandemic strategies set out how decision-making will work, starting from COBR, the UK government's emergency committee; that emergency powers be made by the draft affirmative procedure as standard, with safeguards such as sunset clauses; and that a four-nations structure attended by all heads of government meet regularly during a pandemic. p. 96 p. 121 p. 207 p. 260

    “The UK government and devolved administrations should ensure that the draft affirmative procedure is the standard process for enacting substantial and wide-ranging powers in a civil emergency, such as a pandemic, under primary public health legislation. Any departure from this procedure should be the exception, with clear criteria and safeguards in place to prevent the bypassing of parliamentary scrutiny.”
    p. 207 · Read in context →

Short on time? These sections carry the report's argument. Each opens at the start of the section.

  1. Executive summary p. xviii · Read →

    The Inquiry's own summary of the whole period, from January 2020 to the end of restrictions in May 2022; the place to start.

  2. Key themes p. 8 · Read →

    What the Inquiry concludes about scientific advice, the impact on vulnerable groups, how each government made decisions, communication with the public, the law and relations between the four nations.

    “Time and again, public messaging failed to reflect the actual laws in place. Ministers made statements suggesting legal obligations where none existed, or vice versa.”
    p. 12 · Read in context →
  3. Lost time p. 91 · Read →

    The Inquiry's conclusions on January and February 2020, and why it does not accept that uncertainty about the virus justified the lack of action.

  4. Decision-making leading to the lockdown decision p. 199 · Read →

    The Inquiry's analysis of the decision of 23 March 2020, why it came when it did, and why it was imposed without a plan for leaving it.

    “The lockdown decision of 23 March 2020 was as difficult a decision as any UK government or devolved administration has ever had to make.”
    p. 199 · Read in context →
  5. Chapter 15: Key lessons for future emergencies p. 261 · Read →

    Volume II's closing chapter, the lessons the Inquiry draws for the next pandemic or civil emergency, on planning, strategy, acting quickly, working together and data.

    “No plan entirely survives contact with reality, but the more scenarios that are considered and the more responses tested, the greater the likelihood that those making difficult – even impossible – choices will be better placed to react quickly and decisively.”
    p. 263 · Read in context →
  6. Appendix 3: List of recommendations p. 314 · Read →

    The 19 recommendations in full, in the order of the chapters that explain them; the list runs over two pages (Recommendations 9 to 19 on the second). Each also appears in its chapter, where the Inquiry gives its reasons.

    “During a whole-system civil emergency, the UK government and devolved administrations should each routinely publish technical advice on scientific, economic and social matters at the earliest opportunity, as well as the minutes of expert advisory groups – except where there are good reasons that prevent publication, such as commercial confidentiality, personal safety or national security, or because legal advice privilege applies.”
    p. 315 · Read in context →

Read the whole report on one page →